Analysis of the Dutch Government Evaluation on Funding in Palestinian Territories
Based on self-reporting and opinions of grantees; fails to independently, professionally, effectively, and impartially analyze funding.
Introduction
On November 7, the Dutch Policy and Operations Evaluation Department (IOB) published its review of Dutch funding to the West Bank and Gaza. The evaluation was conducted following the request made by Dutch MP Raymond De Roon in 2014 regarding the “disappearance of €2 billion of European Union (EU) development funds and about salaries for terrorists” (p.31). The Dutch government also issued a formal response to the evaluation on November 7.
NGO Monitor’s review of the IOB’s “Evaluation of Dutch Development Cooperation in the Palestinian Territories 2008-2014” shows that the evaluation fails to professionally, effectively, and impartially analyze the distribution of Dutch funds. Instead, the evaluation relies on the self-reporting and opinions of Dutch government grantees. Furthermore, the evaluation does not address the core questions that inspired the mandated review, leaving out the issues of aid appropriation by terrorist organizations and funding to non-governmental organizations (NGOs) that support anti-peace campaigns against Israel.
The Policy and Operations Evaluation Department (IOB) is part of the Dutch Ministry of Foreign Affairs, tasked with evaluating and reporting on the results of Dutch foreign policy. Prof. Steinberg, president of NGO Monitor, and NGO Monitor staff met with the evaluation team on August 12, 2015 to discuss grantees using Dutch financing to further their own political agendas (p.143, footnote 416).
From 2008 to mid-2014, Dutch development aid to the West Bank and Gaza amounted to over €192.4 million, including €58.5 million specifically earmarked for NGOs. Projects evaluated in the November 2016 review include funding to numerous political NGOs, such as over €18.5 million to Palestinian Agricultural Relief Committees (PARC) and over €4 million to the NGO Development Center (NDC) and the International Human Rights and International Humanitarian Law Secretariat (“IHL Secretariat” which then distributes funding to NGOs). However, dozens of other projects carried out by political NGOs, amounting to millions of euros in funding, were not evaluated.
Analysis
NGO Monitor notes the following flaws in the IOB report. The evaluation:
- Quotes and cites NGOs that receive funding from the Dutch government, but does not evaluate these organizations in the report. This creates an inherent conflict of interest and reflects a faulty research methodology.
- Does not address Palestinian Authority payments to convicted terrorists – the issue that sparked the evaluation in the first place.
- Fails to review problematic funding practices, such as support to organizations with ideologies and goals inconsistent with those of the Dutch government. For example, the evaluation reiterates that, “The ultimate goal of Dutch development efforts in the PT [Palestinian Territories] was to contribute to the establishment of two states” (p.17). However, there is no acknowledgement of support for many grantees that undermine a two-state framework.
- Refers prominently and subjectively to “the shrinking democratic space in the Palestinian Territories,” but repeats that corruption within the Palestinian Authority is “relatively low” (p. 25, 26,141). No appropriate methodology is provided to support this statement.
- Does not analyze whether government funding is distributed to projects that have meaningful impact or simply to pay high salaries of employees working at NGOs. For example, staff costs amounted to over 15% of the IHL Secretariat budget and the Manager earns a salary of $10,000/month for 44 months ($440,000) – an extraordinarily high amount for an individual working in the Palestinian economy.
- Criticizes the European Union for its unconditional financing of the Palestinian Authority – calling such funding “unsustainable” (p.125). At the same time, however, the evaluation suggests that NGOs “deserve more support of donors including the Netherlands even if they hold deviating opinions…” (p.28).
- The evaluation contradicts itself stating first that, “Justice sector institutions are basically trusted… Most Palestinian households believe that rule of law institutions such as police, courts and public prosecution are to be trusted and legitimate and choose to use them to resolve disputes” (p.85). The review then states that, “There is a gap between women’s and men’s access to justice. Formal justice is considered slow, which is a reason for avoiding the formal justice system…Access to legal assistance is inadequate, which has negative effects on public perception” (p.85).
Dutch Government Response to the IOB Evaluation
In its response, the Dutch government insists that “the Netherlands does not support activities that incite discrimination and hate speech” (p.6). The response also firmly maintained that the Netherlands “does not fund activities that promote BDS against Israel” (p.6). In contrast, NGO Monitor’s research shows that the Netherlands does support activities of this nature:
- 13 out of 24 “Core recipients” ($5.78 million) of IHL Secretariat grants (a joint funding mechanism of the Netherlands, Denmark, Sweden, and Switzerland) promote BDS and other forms of demonization of Israel, including:
- BADIL (Secretariat funding: $260,000): Is a leader in Palestinian “right of return” and BDS campaigns, has published antisemitic cartoons, as well as posters calling for the elimination of Israel.
- Al-Haq (Secretariat funding: $710,000): Supports legal warfare campaigns and BDS activities. According to the Israeli Supreme Court, Al-Haq director, Shawan Jabarin, has alleged ties to the Palestinian Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) terror organization.
- Palestinian Center for Human Rights (Secretariat funding: $710,000): Supports BDS and accuses Israel of “crimes” in confronting Palestinians carrying out stabbing attacks.
- Addameer (Secretariat funding: $325,000): Lobbies international frameworks against Israel and supports BDS. Addameer is an official PFLP “affiliate.” The NGO’s chairperson and co-founder, Abdul-latif Ghaith, was banned by Israel from travelling internationally due to his alleged membership in the PFLP; he was also banned from entering the West Bank from 2011 to 2015. Abdul-latif Ghaith was described in an article posted by Miftah (another Palestinian NGO) as a representative of the PFLP.
- Palestinian Agricultural Relief Committees (PARC): Publicly supports BDS, utilizes “apartheid” rhetoric and other racially charged language, and falsely accuses Israel of “war crime[s].”
Furthermore, the report asserts that “The Israeli government is sometimes sensitive to pressure, especially when it is brought to bear by friendly nations such as the Netherlands” (p.27). This statement, parroted by NGOs to justify their political lobbying efforts, suggests that Dutch government funding for politicalized NGOs plays a similar role.
Conclusion
The IOB evaluation of Dutch funding to the West Bank and Gaza is methodologically flawed and leaves many core questions unanswered. The catalyst for the evaluation – lack of due diligence as demonstrated in funding diverted to pay terrorists – was not addressed in the review. Dutch funding to organizations supporting BDS was also ignored.
Notably, the evaluation’s use of NGOs funded by the Dutch government as credible, objective sources of information violates the basic requirements of good governance.
An independent evaluation, with in-depth research conducted by individuals with no connection to the Dutch government or any of its grantees, is necessary in order to untangle the complexities and hidden dimensions of Dutch government funding to Palestinian entities, including to politicized NGOs.
Appendix 1
Correspondence between NGO Monitor and IOB Evaluation Department of Dutch Ministry of Foreign affairs
From:@ngo-monitor.org
Sent: 11 Feb 2016 09:02
To: IOB Evaluation
Subject: IOB Evaluation of Dutch Development Cooperation in the Palestinian Territories
Dear ,
According to the Terms of Reference for the IOB evaluation of Dutch Development Cooperation in the Palestinian Territories 2008-204, the date for publication of the Final report was excepted to be December 15, 2015.
We have recently been informed that the date for publication of the findings will be in May 2016.
Could you please confirm when the finding will be made public,
Sincerely
Shaun Sacks
From: IOB Evaluation
Sent: Feb 11, 2016 at 11:08 AM
To: @ngo-monitor.org
Subject: IOB Evaluation of Dutch Development Cooperation in the Palestinian Territories
Dear Shaun,
The publication is somewhat delayed. We are now finalizing the report and we expect approval of our director within a couple of weeks. After that it will take time to publish the report and the Minister will have to formulate her comments before the report goes to Parliament. We can only publish the report after it has been submitted to Parliament. I expect that this will be in May.
I hope to have informed you sufficiently,
With best regards
From:@ngo-monitor.org
Sent: 26 May 10:39
To: IOB Evaluation
Subject: IOB Evaluation of Dutch Development Cooperation in the Palestinian Territories
Dear ,
Has the IOB evaluation of Dutch Development Cooperation in the Palestinian Territories 2008-2014, been published?
We have been following the development of similar evaluations in other European countries and we are preparing to document the comparative findings of various reports.
If your evaluation is available, could you please provide the pubic link.
Sincerely
Shaun
From: IOB Evaluation
Sent: May 26, 2016 at 11:15 AM
To: @ngo-monitor.org
Subject: IOB Evaluation of Dutch Development Cooperation in the Palestinian Territories
Dear Shaun,
The evaluation is completed. The report has been sent to or Minister for Development Cooperation. She will send it to Parliament. Once that has been done, the report will be available for the public (also on our website). I do not know when the Minister will send the report to Parliament. I will keep your interest in the report in mind and send you the report once it is public (unless I forget it!).
I hope to have informed you sufficiently.
With kind regard,
From: @ngo-monitor.org
Sent: 30 november 2016 09:53
To: IOB Evaluation
Subject: IOB Evaluation of Dutch Development Cooperation in the Palestinian Territories
Dear ,
Thank you for the IOB evaluation that we received form the Embassy this week.
We have completed our initial Analysis of the evaluation and our response is attached and in link below:
Analysis of the Dutch Government Evaluation on Funding in Palestinian Territories
We look forward to hearing from you.
Sincerely
Shaun Sacks
From: IOB Evaluation
Sent: 5 December 2016 10:39
To: IOB Evaluation
Subject: IOB Evaluation of Dutch Development Cooperation in the Palestinian Territories
Dear Shaun,
Thank you for the analyis of NGO Monitor of the report on Dutch development cooperation in the Palestinian Territories. I will respond to it, but this may take some time as I am very busy with a new evaluation.
With best regards,
From: IOB Evaluation
Sent: 10 January 2017 4:59 PM
To: IOB Evaluation
Subject: IOB Evaluation of Dutch Development Cooperation in the Palestinian Territories
Dear Shaun,
Thank you for the analysis of NGO Monitor of the IOB evaluation of development cooperation in the Palestinian Territories. Please find herewith our response.
In the first place, we appreciate NGO Monitors’ readiness to respond to the report; so far, reactions have been very limited, which is disappointing for IOB.
Your main conclusions are that:
- The evaluation fails to professionally, effectively, and impartially analyze the distribution of Dutch funds.
- The evaluation relies on the self-reporting and opinions of Dutch government grantees.
- The evaluation does not address the core question that inspired the mandated review, leaving out the issues of aid appropriation by terrorist organizations and funding to NGOs that support anti-peace campaigns against Israel.
- Dozens of (other) projects carried out by political NGOs, amounting to millions of euros, were not evaluated.
Our main reaction to these conclusions:
- The focus of our evaluation was on the effectiveness of the Dutch contributions to development cooperation in the Palestinian Territories. To that end we selected a representative number of supported programs and projects, implemented by a variety of multilateral, governmental (Palestinian) and private actors. A large part of these programs and projects were evaluated during a field study which was carried out by independent researchers of ECORYS in Rotterdam. In addition, the evaluation team of IOB, which is the evaluation department of the Dutch Ministry of Foreign Affairs and which is also recognized as independent by official OECD-DAC criteria, visited the Palestinian Territories twice to carry out additional research. Only a minor part of the evaluation focused on the contributions of NGOs.
- Part of the IOB report, in particular the chapter on the private sector, is based on a survey of documents. We studied numerous evaluation reports, produced by independent researchers, concerning the work of Palestinian NGOs that received support from the ministry through Dutch NGOs. In addition, we held interviews with NGOs leaders, both in the Palestinian Territories and in the Netherlands and we studied annual reports. However, the conclusions about effectiveness were based on the external evaluations; factual information was also based on the outcomes of interviews and the annual reports. Therefore, it is incorrect to state that our report is solely based on self-reporting and opinions of Dutch grantees.
- The core question of the evaluation was not about presumed aid appropriation by terrorist organizations and funding of anti-peace NGOs, but rather on the effectiveness of Dutch development cooperation. The issue of aid appropriation was raised in the wider context of the general request for an IOB evaluation by the House of Representatives; therefore we decided to include questions concerning the mechanisms built into the design of the programs to reduce fiduciary risks. We studied the prevalence of such mechanisms for many of the supported programs, including those of NGOs. Where possible we also reported on the conclusions of audit reports. However, from the very start the evaluation did not concern a (financial) audit.
- As to addressing funding of NGOs that support anti-peace campaigns, we reported on the activities of Palestinian NGOs; some of these concern peace building and human rights issues. In some cases this implies that NGOs advocate for a more proactive attitude of Israel (and the Palestinian Authority) in peace building processes and for better performance in human rights issues. We did not come across anti-peace campaigns against Israel, but we did notice a critical attitude towards Israel’s actions in the Palestinian Territories. Yet, anti-peace campaigns and a critical attitude are not synonymous. In our report we explicitly wrote that NGOs deserve support even if they hold deviating opinions, provided they endorse non-violence and refrain from anti-Semitic expressions. We did not research violence or anti-Semitism by NGOs because this was not part of our research mandate. Should we have come across NGOs that were involved in violent actions or anti-Semitism, we would have reported on this and strongly condemn such conduct. However, we did not encounter these.
- We applied professional methods and always ensured that the most important sources were independent. This enabled us to evaluate the outcomes effectively. We therefore disagree with your conclusions that the evaluation fails to analyze the distribution of funds impartially. We did evaluate a selection of programs, also NGOs, but are aware of the fact that there are other funded projects. However, our selection was highly representative in terms of financial contributions.
We will briefly react to the specific flaws in the report you noted:
- Conflict of interest/faulty methodology: we did not only quote and cite NGOs; we also studied many evaluation reports that were carried out by independent researchers.
- Does not address payments to convicted terrorists: this was neither our mandate nor the main focus of the evaluation; at the request of parliament, we did include questions relating to evidence of misappropriation of EU funds.
- No attention for support to organizations with goals inconsistent with those of Dutch government: this is addressed in sections of the report dealing with support for NGOs that hold deviating opinions. It is specific Dutch policy that NGOs that express deviating and critical opinions should still be entitled to Dutch support (freedom of expression). This also applies to organizations that do not support the two-state framework (which is not the same asundermining that framework).
- References to shrinking democratic space in the PT; repeats that corruption is relatively low in the PT; no appropriate methodology provided. We studied many documents to substantiate our findings. Shrinking democratic space refers basically to the Palestinian Authority and has been assessed on the basis of study of numerous documents and on interviews with Palestinian and foreign experts. The relatively low level of corruption (with remaining residual risks) was assessed on the basis of a large number of independent audit reports and study of fiduciary mechanisms.
- Did not analyze the salaries of employees working at NGOs: is true; this was not part of our mandate.
- Criticizing EU for unconditional financing of the PA; at the same time suggest that NGOs deserve more support. We do not see this as contradictory. EU support is meant for the authorities that should eventually be able to support themselves through tax incomes; NGOs should preferably also raise their own income, but given the (often) political nature of their work, this will be difficult; therefore transitional subsidization is justified.
- Contradiction between trust in justice sector and negative effects on public opinion. This may sound contradictory, but we have qualified this by deliberately using the concept of basic trust. Palestinians have a basic trust in the justice system. However, this trust is at risk due to access problems and long delays.
Once again, thank you for your kind cooperation during the research. We at IOB feel that research is not just about doing your homework, but also about critically discussing your results and conclusions. By taking the time to formulate your comments and criticisms, you have contributed to the ongoing debate.
With kind regards,