Activity

• The British government funds numerous highly politicized non-governmental organizations (NGOs) directly through the Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office (FCDO),¹ UK Integrated Security Fund (formerly the Conflict, Stability, and Security Fund – CSSF), and the British National Security Council (NSC), and indirectly via aid frameworks such as the Norwegian Refugee Council (NRC), Christian Aid, Catholic Agency for Overseas Development (CAFOD), and Oxfam GB, which all receive significant funding from the British government.
• The UK government has allocated £129 million in aid to the West Bank and Gaza Strip for 2024/25. Of this amount, approximately 37% is allocated to “Government and Civil Society.”
• FCDO has stated that its development funding is geared towards the objective of  supporting “the building of Palestinian institutions and the promotion of economic growth so that any future state will be stable, prosperous, well run and an effective partner for peace with Israel.” ²
• In contrast, many FCDO-funded NGOs are involved in anti-peace activities such as incitement, BDS (boycott, divestment, and sanctions), and legal attacks (“lawfare”) against Israel. Some of these groups also have reported ties to terrorist organizations.
• Reflecting a lack of transparency, a comprehensive list of local third-party implementing partners is not available.
• Based on FCDO statements made during the course of FOI proceedings with NGO Monitor, it does not appear that the UK government vets third-party implementing partners. For instance, an FCDO official claimed, “The FCDO conducts its own due diligence process for its main project partners, and then relies on those partners to do their own due diligence for any subcontractors based on global criteria. In this particular case, FCDO did a due diligence exercise itself for NRC. FCDO did not directly vet NRC’s sub-partners, but instead provided them with criteria for assessing those sub-partners.” (Paragraph 49, 26 March 2024 First-tier Tribunal General Regulatory Chamber Information Rights decision, on file with NGO Monitor).

Lack of Vetting

• Based on FCDO statements made during the course of FOI proceedings with NGO Monitor, the UK does not sufficiently vet local implementing partners. This is especially concerning given the significant number of terror-linked NGOs operating in the region, including in partnership with the UN.
  • During NGO Monitor’s 1 February 2024 appeal hearing against the FCDO before the First-tier Tribunal Regulatory Chamber Information Rights, an FCDO official testified under oath that “The FCDO conducts its own due diligence process for its main project partners, and then relies on those partners to do their own due diligence for any subcontractors based on global criteria. In this particular case, FCDO did a due diligence exercise itself for NRC [Norwegian Refugee Council]. FCDO did not directly vet NRC’s sub-partners, but instead provided them with criteria for assessing those sub-partners” (26 March 2024 First-tier Tribunal General Regulatory Chamber Information Rights decision, paragraph 49; on file with NGO Monitor).

Developments Since October 7 Hamas Massacre

• In October 2023, in the aftermath of the brutal Hamas attack on October 7, the UK announced “£10 million humanitarian aid for civilians in Occupied Palestinian Territories,” and stating that “All UK aid funding to the OPTs undergoes rigorous oversight, and no funding goes to Hamas.” This claim is inconsistent with information provided to NGO Monitor in the course of our FOI proceedings with the FCDO. 
• In October 2023-April 2024, the United Kingdom granted $53.53 million to UN-OCHA’s “OPT Flash Appeal” that “addressed the most urgent needs of 1,260,000 people in the Gaza Strip (Gaza) and the occupied West Bank, including East Jerusalem.”
• In January 2024, the UK announced it would pause funding to UNRWA following reports of UNRWA’s employees involvement in Hamas’ October 7 massacre. The UK later clarified that it had already made all of its planned contributions to UNRWA for 2023-2024, £35 million. (See UNRWA section below for more information.)
  • In July 2024, the UK restored funding to UNRWA claiming, “UNRWA has taken serious action in response to the appalling allegations that UNRWA staff were involved in the 7 October attack against Israel. The government is confident that UNRWA is taking action to ensure it meets the highest standards of neutrality and is strengthening its procedures. £1 million of the £21 million of new UK funding will be earmarked to support UNRWA implement the management reforms.”
• In January 2025, the UK announced a new £17 million package “to support thousands of civilians across the Occupied Palestinian Territories.” This includes £15 million from the “Crisis Reserve pool to be allocated to partner agencies,” £2 million for the World Bank for “water and energy infrastructure construction and restoration across the Occupied Palestinian Territories.” 

UK Funding via the Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office (FCDO)

• British government documents suggest that officials from the UK’s Foreign, Commonwealth & Development Office are aware of the risk that funding projects in the Palestinian territories may involve organizations tied to designated terrorist groups. British officials have primarily framed this as a reputational issue rather than a serious national security or legal concern.
• A November 2022 document reveals a key weakness in the UK’s humanitarian aid process, admitting the government’s “inability to identify downstream partners” – the organizations ultimately implementing the UK-funded aid projects.
• Rather than prioritizing efforts to combat terrorism financing and aid diversion, the risk is defined as a reputational one that can be managed: “Once UK funds are transferred to the ‘pooled’ HF [Humanitarian Fund], it would be difficult to attribute direct UK contribution to funded projects.” 
• The document also highlights the UK’s passive approach towards groups linked to the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) terrorist group, with the UK relying on partners’ internal vetting processes and downplaying the potential consequences of aid diversion. 
• After the Hamas-orchestrated October 7th massacre, the UK government continues to provide approximately £100 million in funding to UN and NGO activities in the West Bank and Gaza, with inadequate oversight and transparency.

FCDO Funding to UNICEF and the Ministry of Social Development (MOSD)

• A British Consulate-General in Jerusalem (BCGJ) document dated November 2022, outlines a plan for “UK Humanitarian Support in the Occupied Palestinian Territories (FY 2022-2026).” One element is funding for UNICEF-administered cash assistance in Gaza. 
• Among the projects outlined is a UNICEF-administered “multi-purpose cash” distribution in Gaza.  The document explains that “The cash assistance component will be implemented in coordination with the Ministry of Social Development MoSD.” As highlighted by the document, “The MoSD in Gaza is affiliated with the de facto authorities and thus UK Aid can be linked directly or indirectly with supporting the de factor [sic] authority (Hamas) in Gaza which is part of a proscribed group” (emphasis added).
• Hamas has exercised effective control over the MoSD in Gaza for years. In April 2019, Hamas appointed a politburo member, Ghazi Hamad, to lead the Ministry. In November 2024, the U.S. Treasury Department designated Hamad, labeling him a “senior Hamas official[].” The announcement added, “Hamad previously served as a Hamas senior official overseeing border crossings at Gaza. While these border crossings were one of the primary ways Hamas smuggled weapons into Gaza, these crossings were also used to smuggle the construction equipment and materials Hamas needed to build an extensive tunnel network they intentionally interspersed among Palestinian civilians.”
• An April 2024 FCDO document outlines continued UK support for UNICEF-administered cash assistance in Gaza: “We will continue to support UNICEF’s work in Gaza which is focused on the delivery of child-sensitive social protection and cash assistance.”
• In response to the allegations, FCDO claimed it “has never funded Hamas or affiliated Ministries”  and “The UNICEF program is coordinated with the Ministry of Social Development in Ramallah, which is run by the Palestinian Authority.”
  • The MOSD of Ramallah and the MOSD of Gaza actively work together. According to a 2022 Oxfam International analysis of cash-assistance programs in Gaza, “a key strategic priority in Gaza is the interface between humanitarian agencies and the MoSD in Ramallah [,] and the local authorities in Gaza [Hamas], with workarounds needed for the no-contact policy” (emphasis added).” Oxfam explained that “there was a recent positive agreement to have the MoSD in Ramallah represented in Gaza by official personnel to improve the coordination and collaboration between the de-facto government in Gaza and the official Ramallah government,” admitting that “even though there are PA personnel in the MoSD in Gaza, most of the staff are from the de-facto government” (i.e. Hamas). In other words, there are representatives at the MoSD-Gaza who are portrayed as being from the MoSD-Ramallah, while Hamas retains overall control of the Gaza branch and its activities.
• For more information, read NGO Monitor’s report “Hamas Influences UK Funded Gaza Cash Programme.”

FCDO Projects in Israel, Gaza, and the West Bank:

• According to the DevTracker, FCDO is funding ten active projects in the West Bank and Gaza, with a total budget of £1.8 billion. (More details on these projects are available on the “dportal database.”³
• Selective information on projects funded by the FCDO is available in a projects database. In several cases, local NGO recipients and third-party recipients of UK funds via international organizations do not appear on the website.
• In 2023-2031, the Independent Commission for Human Rights (ICHR) is receiving $2.6 million from FCDO for a “Good Governance and Human Rights Project.” According to the project description, “The project monitors the development of human rights and governance, encourage accountability of authorities, carry out advocacy for human rights and provide capacity support to relevant actors including government departments and commissions, security apparatuses, academic institutions and civil society.”
  • While purporting to be an National Human Rights Institution (NHRI) that monitors PA compliance with human rights standards, the ICHR also serves as a vehicle to produce and promote PLO political propaganda. 
  • ICHR regularly collaborates with and has demonstrated its support for EU, US, Canada and Israel-designated terror groups, such as Hamas, the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP), and Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ).
• In 2023-2031, the Coalition for Integrity and Accountability – Aman in receiving $1.4 million for “Palestinian Civil Society and Inclusion.” According to the project description, “The overall objective of the project responds well to the declining context of PA’ legitimacy, lack of citizen’ trust, and weak state’ accountability platforms to hold the executive to account.”
  • Aman accuses Israel of “stealing,” having “racist goals,” “Judaisation,” and “repeated attempts to ignite a sectarian religious conflict with the aim of controlling the Al-Aqsa Mosque and its precincts.”
• In 2023-2031, AMAN and ICHR are also implementing partners on a £36 million project for “Empowering Palestinian Institutions and Civil Society in the Occupied Palestinian Territories – EPICS OPTs.”
• See Appendix below for further information on FCDO Projects in Israel, Gaza, and the West Bank.

UK Integrated Security Fund (formerly the Conflict, Stability, and Security Fund – CSSF)

• The UK also funds NGOs through the UK Integrated Security Fund, a “government-wide fund that addresses the highest-priority threats to UK national security, at home and abroad.”⁴ The fund “invested over £830 million in financial year 2022 to 2023 through integrated programmes across 12 government departments and agencies.”
• In 2022-2023, CSSF provided £6.9 million to the “Occupied Palestinian Territories.” 
  • According to a 2023 UK Parliament report, “In financial year 2022–2023, the Fund continued to prioritise spending on areas linked to conflict, stability and security overseas that pose the greatest direct threat to the UK including the Middle East and Africa…The Israel/Occupied Palestinian Territories programme was largely protected from previous reductions in overall allocations, given the fragility of the situation and the importance of this region to the UK’s security.”
• According to the CSSF Programme Summary of its “Middle East Peace Process programme (MEPP),” in 2021-2022, CSSF led 11 projects in the West Bank and Gaza. 
  • All projects have FCDO listed as the lead department. 
  • The implementing organizations are not listed. CSSF claims, “Information on all implementing organisations is withheld on international relations grounds.”
  • According to a February 2024 Parliamentary question, “The Conflict, Stability and Security Fund (CSSF) OPTs-Israel Programme also supports Tech 2 Peace, I’lam – Arab Centre for Media Freedom, Physicians for Human Rights Israel, and Project Rozana which work to support engagement and dialogue between Israelis and Palestinians, building stronger constituencies and prospects for peace. We also support local organisations such as COMET-ME who work to keep Palestinians on their land in Area C of the West Bank, protecting the viability of a two-state solution.”
  • Additionally, according to a March 2024, Parliamentary question, the Norwegian Refugee Council (NRC) has been receiving from the CSSF.
• See Appendix below for further information on CSSF projects in Israel, the West Bank, and Gaza.

Norwegian Refugee Council (NRC)

• The UK has been one of the primary funders of Norwegian Refugee Council (NRC) operations in the West Bank and Gaza.
• NRC receives funding from the Conflict, Stability, and Security Fund (CSSF), but this funding is not transparent. NGO Monitor has been able to confirm that these funds are received by NRC via this mechanism based on information received from the UK government in the course of Freedom of Information proceedings with FCDO. Additionally, a March 2024 Parliamentary question acknowledged that “The UK currently provides funding to the Norwegian Refugee Council (NRC) for projects in the Occupied Palestinian Territories including in the West Bank and East Jerusalem through the Conflict, Stability and Security Fund (CSSF).” 
  • According to the Parliamentary question, NRC has been receiving from the CSSF:
    • FY 22-23 – £3.07 million
    • FY 23-24 – £ 3.68 million
    • FY 24-25 – £ 2.7 million
  • Additionally, in response to the Parliamentary question, a government official claimed, “We are not currently supporting NRC work in Gaza.” However, a 2023 project on the UN Financial Tracking Service (FTS), relating to ICLA, describes NRC’s activities in the West Bank and Gaza: “NRC Palestine launched a Digital Complaints and Feedback Mechanism, informative sessions on the use and application of NRC’s CFM were conducted for all staff and targeted populations in WB and Gaza. Soft and hard copies of CFM information cards were distributed to targeted populations in WB and Gaza.” This project does not appear on the UK’s Development Tracker.  
  • According to FTS, five other projects for which NRC received funding from the UK in 2023 are implemented by the West Bank Consortium (run by NRC). The project descriptions on FTS includes data on the individuals the consortium serves in Gaza. Additionally, during a November 2023 UK Parliamentary hearing, an NRC advisor testified “We have.. 54 staff working in our Gaza office. We have been operating in Gaza for almost 15 years.”
• According to the UN Financial Tracking Service,⁵ in 2023, FCDO granted $5.4 million to NRC for multiple projects, of which $3,552,577 was earmarked for the Information, Counseling, and Legal Assistance (ICLA) project. 
  • No information appears on the UK Devtracker Website regarding funding to NRC, despite the substantial amounts granted to the NGO.
  • ICLA, one of NRC’s principle projects in Israel, exploits judicial frameworks to manipulate Israeli policy, bypassing democratic frameworks.
  • Included in ICLA’s program goals is “supporting the PA both locally and nationally on casework” and works with “other NRC core competences, West Bank Protection Consortium partners, and UN OCHA, as well as with local authorities and village councils.”
  • As part of the ICLA program, NRC provides “legal assistance, including paralegal services, accompaniment, follow up or court representation in order to ensure the best possible individual legal protection outcomes” in “collaboration, coordination and partnership both internally within NRC and externally with NGO sector… and with the PA with a view to address some of the barriers to participation of the hard to reach population in ICLA response.”
  • A lawyer affiliated with the NRC program stated that the objective of these cases are an attempt to “try every possible legal measure to disrupt the Israeli judicial system… as many cases as possible are registered and that as many cases as possible are appealed to increase the workload of the courts and the Supreme Court to such an extent that there will be a blockage” (emphasis added).
  • According to its 2023 ICLA project response plan, “In 2023, NRC Information, Counselling and Legal aid team (ICLA) will target 17,583 Palestinians identified as affected by conflict-related violations and protection risks such as conflict-related violence, risk of forcible transfer, restrictions on freedom of movement and access to services, including livelihoods and settler violence.”
• The UK government does not vet NRC’s local implementing partners, instead relying on the NGO to do so itself. According to the testimony of an FCDO official during freedom of information proceedings brought by NGO Monitor regarding UK funding to the NRC, “the FCDO conducts its own due diligence process for its main project partners, and then relies on those partners to do their own due diligence for any subcontractors.”  (On file with NGO Monitor)
• Based on research obtained via freedom of information requests, UN reports and funding databases (FTS), publications from governments in Europe, NGO activity reports and financial statements, and filings with government regulators in the UK, Israel, the EU, and elsewhere, NGO Monitor has documented that  NRC works with a narrow selection of political NGOs that promote a one-sided narrative of the conflict in implementing its legal aid and “public interest litigation” related programs. NRC has partnered with UAWC, HaMoked, JLAC, Society of St. Yves, Terrestrial Jerusalem, Yesh Din, CAC, Bimkom, Palestinian Centre for Democracy and Conflict Resolution (PCDCR), Palestinian Centre for Human Rights (PCHR), and Al Mezan, among others. 
  • UAWC, PCHR, and Al Mezan are all linked to the PFLP terrorist organization.

Indirect UK Funding

Christian Aid

• In FY 2023-2024, Christian Aid received £100,000 from FCDO. Reflecting a lack of transparency, Christian Aid does not specify how much of that funding was transferred to implementing partners on projects in Israel, Gaza, or the West Bank.
• Christian Aid does not reveal all of their partners, nor funding to the organizations. Current and former partner organizations include Zochrot, Breaking the Silence, B’Tselem, Al-Haq, Sabeel, Adalah, Palestinian Centre for Human Rights (PCHR), Palestinian Agricultural Relief Committees (PARC), Physicians for Human Rights – Israel (PHR-I), Alternative Information Center (AIC), the Ecumenical Accompaniment Programme in Palestine and Israel (EAPPI), Women’s Affairs Centre, and the Culture and Free Thought Association.
• In March 2024, Christian Aid’s Head of Middle East Policy & Advocacy William Bell published an article stating, “We should all be concerned when Palestinians tell us they fear that ethnic cleansing will lead to a second Nakba, especially when Israeli Government actions and words appear to confirm it…October 7 did not happen in a vacuum. It is critical to grasp that unless Palestinians are afforded the same rights as their Israeli neighbours and treated as equals, then violent conflict will only deepen.”
• In January 2024, Christian Aid published a letter in The Times affirming that, “Until the UK government calls for an immediate and permanent ceasefire and suspends its arms sales to Israel, it is complicit in the slaughter of innocent civilians taking place every day in Gaza.”

Catholic Agency for Overseas Development (CAFOD)

• In 2022, CAFOD received £824,000 from FCDO. According to CAFOD, in that same period of time, CAFOD funded nine projects totaling approximately £278,000 in the West Bank and Gaza.
• CAFOD has provided grants to a number of highly biased and politicized NGOs active in the Arab-Israeli conflict, including: Breaking the Silence, Ecumenical Accompaniment Programme in Palestine and Israel (EAPPI), Culture and Free Thought Association, Wi’am, Jerusalem Legal Aid and Human Rights Center (JLAC), Yesh Din, and Islamic Relief Worldwide.
• In May 2024, CAFOD called for people to urge the UK government to “Call for an end to arms sales to Israel.”
• In October 2023, in the aftermath of the brutal Hamas attack on October 7, CAFOD called for the “Acknowledgement of the failure of the international community to effectively engage with any meaningful peace process, and a commitment to work ceaselessly from now on to address the root causes of the violence which must include an end to the occupation,” as well as “Unequivocal support for the ICC to conduct a truly independent investigation into all war crimes to ensure accountability.”

Oxfam GB

• In FY 2022-2023, Oxfam GB received £231,000 from the United Kingdom. It is unclear if any of this funding has been allocated for projects in Israel, the West Bank, and Gaza.
• Under its 2023-2024 emergency appeal for Gaza, Oxfam GB writes it has been “responding with our partners” including: the Palestinian Medical Relief Society (PMRS), Juzoor, Cultural & Free Thoughts Association, and Palestine Agricultural Relief Committee (PARC).
  • PMRS rhetoric includes accusations of “ethnic cleansing,” “apartheid,” “collective punishment,” and “war crimes.” Mustafa Barghouthi, founder and president of PMRS, praised the October 7th attacks and repeatedly denied the systematic rape of Israeli women during the atrocities.
  • In at least 2007–2021, Juzoor maintained a Jerusalem Youth Parliament (JYP), “…designed to actively engage young Jerusalemite Palestinians ages 12 to 17 (as well as their parents and teachers) in active citizenship and to raise awareness of their Palestinian identity.” JYP hosted events with convicted terrorists, members of the US-designated terrorist organization the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP), and their families, and held pro-BDS and anti-normalization activities for children. In addition to introducing children to PFLP terrorists, JYP staff also utilized social media to celebrate PFLP terrorists and promote the organization. (For more information, read NGO Monitor’s report “USAID-funded Palestinian NGOs: Introducing Children to Convicted Terrorists.”)
• Oxfam GB draws an immoral symmetry between Israeli self-defense and illegal attacks by terror organizations, and fails to acknowledge Hamas’ exploitation of the civilian population of Gaza as human shields. Its statements refer to the blockade of Gaza as the key impediment to peace, failing to mention that the purpose of Israel’s blockade is to prevent the illegal flow of weapons to Hamas and other terror groups.
• In October 2023, Oxfam GB accused Israel of “Starvation as [a[ weapon of war being used against Gaza civilians.”
• In October 2023, in the aftermath of the brutal Hamas attack on October 7, Oxfam GB published a statement claiming, “the international community must now finally tackle the root causes of injustice and violence that is being perpetrated under the occupation.”

Funding via the United Nations

In 2020-2024, the UK government provided millions of dollars to various UN bodies, including United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF), United Nations Mine Action Service (UNMAS), the World Food Program, United Nations Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA), and The occupied Palestinian territory Humanitarian Fund.

United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF)

• In 2025, the UK provided UNICEF with $17.5 million for West Bank and Gaza operations. As part of this funding, the UK provided funding to UNICEF for cash assistance with the Hamas-backed Ministry of Social Development (see above for further information.)
• UNICEF spearheads a campaign to have Israel included on a UN blacklist of “grave” violators of children’s rights. The list appears as an annex to the UN Secretary-General’s annual report on Children and Armed Conflict (CAAC). This political agenda is a primary facet of UNICEF’s activities relating to Israel, completely inconsistent with its mandate of “child protection” and from its guidelines for neutrality and impartiality. (Read NGO Monitor’s report “UNICEF and its NGO Working Group: Failing Children”)

UN-OCHA oPt Humanitarian Fund

• In 2025, the UK provided $16.8 million to the “occupied Palestinian territory Humanitarian Fund.”
• According to an April 2024 FCDO document, “The UK is a long-term supporter of OCHA’s country based pooled funds globally, and has been the top donor at a global level since the Funds’ inception…We have recently completed a new Due Diligence Assessment for OCHA and its pooled fund in the OPTs which confirms that OCHA meets our standards around managing risks of aid diversion.”
• Many of the NGOs for which OCHA-oPt fundraises are active in anti-Israel demonization and BDS, indicating that funds support anti-Israel NGO agendas instead of humanitarian goals. A number of the NGOs are affiliated with the PFLP terror group, including Palestinian Center for Human Rights (PCHR), Union of Agricultural Work Committees (UAWC), Union of Health Work Committees (UHWC), and Health Work Committees (HWC).

World Food Programme

• In 2024, the UK provided $10.9 million to the WFP. According to UN-OCHA’s FTS, these projects are part of the WFP’s Food Security Sector programs in the West Bank and Gaza.
• According to documents published by the Food Security Sector, the Sector distributes funds and partners with UAWC, Ma’an Development Center, Islamic Relief Worldwide (IRW) and Palestinian Agricultural Relief Committees (PARC).

World Health Organization (WHO)

• In 2024, the UK provided the WHO with $1.9 million.
• According to the UN-FTS, this project is part of the Health Security Cluster, which partners with PFLP-linked NGOs, including Abdel Shafi Community Health Association (ACHA) and Al Awda Health and Community Association. 

UNRWA 

• In 2024, the UK provided UNRWA with $23.6 million.
• On December 11, 2024, the UK Prime Minister met UNRWA Commissioner General Philippe Lazzarini and committed to provide an additional £13 million to UNRWA to “support vital services for Palestinian refugees in the OPTs and the region.”
• Hamas’ and other terror groups’ exploitation of UNRWA and its facilities is well documented. Additionally, there is blatant evidence of UNRWA employees’ involvement in Hamas terrorism, including direct participation in the brutal October 7 slaughter.
  • According to an April 2024 FCDO document, “UNRWA has measures in place to minimise risks of any funding or assistance to terrorism, in line with UN Security Council Resolutions…It is strongly considered across its risk management exercises. Disciplinary measures are taken if there is evidence of the involvement of personnel in inappropriate activities that breach policy. Staff are vetted against the UN’s 1267 Sanctions Committee list of terrorists and terrorist entities.”

Appendix 1: FCDO Projects in Israel, Gaza, and the West Bank

FCDO Projects in Israel, Gaza, and the West Bank According to DevTracker

FCDO Projects in Israel, Gaza, and the West Bank According to DPortal

Appendix 2: CSSF Projects in the oPt

CSSF Projects in Israel, the West Bank, and Gaza ⁶

Appendix 3: UK Direct Funding to Israeli NGOs

Information for 2021-2025 taken from quarterly reports submitted to the Israeli Registrar of Non-Profits and information for 2020 taken from annual reports submitted to the Israeli Registrar of Non-Profits. These projects do not appear on the UK Devtracker Website, and it is unclear under which framework they are receiving these funds. 

Appendix 4: Indirect UK Funding to NGOs Active in the Arab-Israeli Conflict 

Amounts listed in NIS are taken from the 2021-2025 quarterly reports submitted to the Israeli Registrar of Non-Profits and information for 2020 taken from annual reports submitted to the Israeli Registrar of Non-Profits. Information in Euro are taken from the UK’s development tracker.